Swot Analysis of Proton Essays

Swot Analysis of Proton Essays Swot Analysis of Proton Essay Swot Analysis of Proton Essay Analysis on Proton Radiation Whilst Michael Porter five’s forces or industrial analysis provides a scan on the changing industrial and observe the structure of internal competition of an industry, PESTEL analysis scanning the changing of the external environment which is beyond the control of the organization. PESTEL analysis is criticized as not an effective framework because there are certain weaknesses in the framework. For example, the fast changing environment and it is a not long lasting analysis. One of the example concerning on the Washington Mutual declared bankrupt due to unable to overcome the economic crisis that severely hits on the company’s finance. History Proton Holdings Bhd is a Malaysia stated-owned company. Proton is established on 7 may 1983 under the direction of the former Prime Minister Malaysia, Dr Mahathir Mohammad. Proton Holding Berhad is listed in the Main Board of the KLSE on 26 March 1992. The major shareholder of Proton Holding Berhad: Khazanah Nasional (42. 7%), Employees Provident Fund (EPF) (15. 7%) and Petroliam Nasional (7. 9%). Proton and Mitsubishi established joint venture project since the first Proton car produced in 1985. The first Proton Saga which produces based on the technology from Mitsubishi launched in September 1985 and the rest of cars has manufactured by proton with the collaboration with Mitsubishi such as Wira, Waja, Iswara and others. However, Mitsubishi sold its stake in 2004 but is still continue to supply the relevant components to Proton. In the same year, Proton announced to talks with Volkswagen AG to establish a partnership. The expectation on the tie-up may exploit each other’s strengths, but the talk has failed. In 2006, Protons sales dropped 30. % from 166,118 in 2005 to 115,538 in the market. This allowed the second national car Perodua to overtake Proton as the countrys largest passenger carmaker for the first time, with a 41. 6% market share, while Protons market share fell from 40% in 2005 to 32% in 2006. In the period ending December 31, 2006, Proton has also suffered three consecutive quarterly losses. Compared to a profit of 86. 5 million ringgit in 2005, the car c ompany lost 281. 5 million ringgit in 2006. Total losses in 2007s financial year climbed to $169 million. The acquiring 80% of the Lotus Group in 1996 by proton is only using the technological expertise of lotus to produce efficient car in Malaysia. In 2009, Malaysian government starts delivering information to the people on the Lotus Group which is owned by the national car makers Proton. Lotus Group is a United Kingdom based company which is a sport car manufacturer. The acquisition of lotus group by proton is to obtain mutual interest where the Proton will obtain the technological expertise from the Lotus Group and the Lotus Group need the assists from proton to boost the sales. In the fiscal year ended 31 March 2009, Lotus Group turnover is increased to RM574. 8 million compared to RM564. 3million in the year before. Vision and mission The company mission is to become a successful Malaysian automotive company and manufacture innovative product and affordable price to the local and even to the global. In order to get the goal success, Proton Holdings Bhd set five core commitments which are focusing on the interest of customers, shareholders, employees, business associations and the nation. Barrier entry Concerning on the current political and legal issues in Malaysia, the obstacles for the competitor in automobile industry is remaining high. Political The intervention of the government in the automotive industry in Malaysia is purposely to protect the national industry from the stiff competition raise by the foreign company in the industry. In order to protect the car industry, high tax of 140% to 300% imposed on the import cars. For example, in U. S a BMW 328i is sells only RM 155,369. However, in Malaysia the same model car is selling RM 460,000 after added the import tax. Malaysia is a member of ASEAN and WTO. One of the conditions in the AFTA is to removes or reduces the tariff system. However, Malaysia refuses to wholly remove its taxes on the importing. While in 2005, Malaysia has implemented its commitment to the ASEAN to reduce the tariff gradually and in 2008, the tax reduces to 0% to 5%. | IMPORT DUTY| Local Taxes| | CBU| CKD| CBU CKD| Engine Capacity (cc)| MFN| ASEAN CEPT| MFN| ASEAN CEPT| Excise Duties| Sales tax| 1800| 30%| 0%| 10%| 0%| 65%| 10%| 1800 – 1999| 30%| 0%| 10%| 0%| 75%| 10%| 2000 – 2499 | 30%| 0%| 10%| 0%| 90%| 10%| Above 2500| 30%| 0%| 10%| 0%| 105%| 10%| Table 1: Import duty Reduce of import tax force government to increase the excise duty on the people while to minimize the losses in reducing tariff. The tax imposed on both manufacturer is create an obstacles for the foreign companies from enter the automobile industry. According to the National Automobile Policy (NAP) review, Ministry of International Trade and Industry (MITI) will terminate the approval permits (AP) system imports of complete built up (CBU) vehicles and also the AP for used vehicles in 2015. No new pplications for Open AP will be considered and franchise AP will be terminated by Dec 31, 2020. Only the holder of approval permit is allowed to import cars and distribute it locally. If the franchise AP is terminated in 2020, the foreign car manufacturer has to only assemble car locally. Other than tariff, Malaysia Automotive Association (MAA) announces that the importing used-car, cut car, secondhand component and spare part in Malaysia is going to banned by the government. This is to protect the safety of the people from using used car and also to boost the sales of the spare part and the car sale in Malaysia. Together in 2015, the government is also attempt to put restriction on the vehicle which aged 15 and above to do mandatory check. The vehicle end life policy will be implementing in 2015 told by the transport minister Malaysia. The implementation will gives opportunities to the local and foreign automobile companies to raise the sales due to high price in spare part to replace in used spare part. Economic The growing economic in Malaysia is cause by the opens up of the economic trade barrier by the government to attract the foreign investment. The FDI of Malaysia in 1985 to 1995 is around USD 29 billion. While the inflow of FDI after Malaysia implements its commitment to ASEAN in reduces the import tax, there is an overall an increase of 3 billion of FDI to 6 billion in 2006 of FDI inflow. The declining restriction on trade barrier started on the fierce competition on the market. Table 2: Net FDI inflows, 2000-2008 Source: miga. org/documents/flagship09ebook_annexes. pdf On the other hand, the income per capita of Malaysian is increasing from USD 2516 per year in 2001 to USD 4776 in 2009. According to the forecast by Malaysian automotive association (MAA), the total industry volume forecasting will be increase from 550000 units to 570000 units in the next half year of 2010. This is due to the first half year sales performance of the vehicles is grew up to 19. 8% compared to the previous relevant period. Figure 1: Income per capita Government intervention in the oil price in Malaysia gives the reason for the oil price in Malaysia is the lowest among the neighbor countries. The manage float method is using to control the crude oil price in Malaysia. The subsidies by the government in the oil price reduce the burden of the people. While in 2010, government adjusts the new oil price to reduce the subsidy and the national debt. Figure 2: Oil price in Malaysia and neighbor countries In 2010, the loan interest rate has increased three times results on the latest increment to around 3. 85% to 4. 1%. However, Proton holdings Bhd discuss with the banks and financial institutions to reduce the impact of the increased interest rate that will affect the buying behavior of consumers toward cars. Even though the rose of the interest rate and the increasing oil price in Malaysia, this is not severely affected the consumer to buy cars†, said by MAA president Datuk Aishah Ahmad. Legal In order to start business in Malaysia, the foreign company has required registering and licensing with the provision of the control exist in general acts such as the Companies Act 1965 or the Registration of Business Act 1965. Manufacturing activities in Ma laysia must require a manufacturing license from MITI. However, there is a restriction control for foreign business or investor. Malaysia government controls the companies to resulting of the balance participation by the Malaysian, particular in bumiputera. Only manufacturer who have fewer than 75 employees and less than RM 2. 5 million in shareholders’ funds are exempted. One of the rules in the industrial coordination act 1975 stated that if 70% or more of the equity is held by foreigners, the balance will be reserved for the bumiputera and if less than 70% of the equity is held by foreigners, 30% will be reserved for bumiputera and the balance for non- bumiputera. Malaysia started to encourage environmental friendly cars to the market by promoting 100% incentive tax allowance for five years or pioneer status for a period of 10 years. The minister of finance told during the 2009 budget Malaysia that the imported hybrid cars will get exemption of 100% import duty and 50% excise duty. Proton is protected by the government policies by limited the foreign equity ownership and other to make the barrier of entry to the automotive industry difficult to the competitors. This is an opportunity built by the government for Proton since long time ago. There is no have other comparative advantage on Proton other on the price advantage. The acquisition of Lotus by proton is strengthening the product differentiation from the conservative Proton car’s model. The Proton Satria Neo which is the product representative of the Proton joint-efforts with Lotus engineering. The product differentiation and the price advantage gives proton one step up over other rivals in the industry. Thus, the opportunity cost for consumer to forgone the foreign car is high. Current situation of economy, legal issues and even political issues are all favored to the Proton. Since Lotus Group has been acquired by Proton, Proton should use the opportunity to transfer the technology know how to the Proton cars to produce product differentiation that is impressed everyone. Threat of substitutes Even though the barrier entrant in the automobile industry is remaining high, but, there is exists a strong rival to Proton. The main reason of the argument is referred to the second national car Perodua. The substitutes available in the automotive industry are the threat to cause Proton’s sales to drop. Appendix 3 shows that the top car sales in Malaysia in 2009. The top car sales in 2009 is occupied by the second national car Perodua, while Proton’s cars is on the second place lower than Perodua because of Perodua’s afford in improving its quality and refreshing their products which meet the needs of the customers is the reason that Perodua overtake the Proton as the largest car maker in Malaysia. Rivalry among existing firms Proton strongest rival in Malaysia is the second national car Perodua. Since Perodua introduce in 1993, the sales is overtake Proton after 13 years in 2006. In 2009, the share market of Perodua hits 32. % while proton stayed after Perodua which occupy 28. 6% of the market share. Perodua acknowledge that the consumer concerning on the affordable price when do purchasing of car. Offered 0% of down payment in buying Perodua car is attracted the buyer switching their target from proton to perodua. In addition, Perodua is also provides the cash rebate up to RM 2500 for the buyer. Other competitors of Proton inc lude Toyota, Honda and Nissan. In Malaysia, Toyota brings in the hybrid car which is high production cost car and its uniqueness creates a product differentiation for Toyota from its rivals. Toyota has a strong brand image in the world and it is the world best car seller. The brand loyalty toward the company is strongly beat the brand image of Proton in Malaysia. Moreover, Toyota has the strongest research and development among the automotive industry. They do research before introduce a new product to the market to ensure the well feedback from the consumers. For example, Toyota enables their consumer access to the development of the Toyota Prius features and characteristic before introduce it to the market. They found that the consumers are concerning on the affordable price, high technology, safety issues about the car. Moreover, Toyota enable consumers to do pre order before the car were delivered to the dealership. As a result, the sales of the Toyota Prius in the U. S is tremendously successful which the sales climbed 32% from 2001 to 2003. Buyer bargaining power Buyer has a lot of information exposure before do purchasing, information comparison on the price, features, and comments from the chat forums and others are easily available. Validity of information causes the high bargaining power of buyer on the car. Buyer decision is affected when the downturn of economic or low income. Only small amount of buyer is not affected toward luxury brand. According to a research, the Malaysian buying behavior is change according to the economy. 58% of Malaysian cut their spending during the economy downturn, while 81% of the respondent alleged that less spending on the luxury goods. These significant behavior shows that the price sensitivity among the Malaysian. The behaviors same reflect on the buying behavior of buyer on the car. As the increasing income per capita among Malaysian, the buyer has more variety of choice in choosing vehicle. Therefore, the Proton is suffered with the strong bargaining power of buyer and low switching cost from proton to the main rival Perodua that are enhancing the bargaining power of buyer. Bargaining power of suppliers According to the promotion of investment act 1986, government will provides incentives to the firms which are involved in the promoted activities or activities as determine by the MITI. While, this incentive is eligible apply on the transport equipment, components and accessories. This brings to the increasing of the number of component industry in Malaysia accelerates from 00 to 350 in 2003. 70% of these company supplies are to Proton Bhd. The high concentration of the suppliers leads to the low bargaining power of supplier to Proton. Conclusion The lack of innovation and weak management in the company are the major weaknesses to Proton Holdings Bhd. Whilst, the fast changing environment is not severely affected Proton that is protected under umbrella of government but is the competitiveness among the industry widen the gap between Proton and foreign vehicle to be on par. The comparisons apparently cause Proton loss its competitiveness among the automobile industry. The causes lead Proton struggle in the stiff competition in the automotive industry are due to the weak RD on the customer needs and no have innovation on the products. However, there are some opportunities for Proton to overcome it. For example, advance technology available in Lotus Group. Proton should starts to built its brand image and reputation changing to a more effective management and be more creative in producing vehicles. Appendix 1 Appendix 2 Appendix 3 Appendix 4 [ 2 ]. Day trading on NYSE, 2009. 10 largest bankruptcies in the history of the USA. Available on: http://nyse-trade. com/httpnyse-trade-ru10-krupnejshix-bankrotstv-v-istorii-ssha/ Viewed: 20/7/2010 [ 3 ]. Wikipedia, 2010. Proton (carmaker) Available on: http://en. wikipedia. org/wiki/Proton_(carmaker) Viewed: 20/7/2010 [ 4 ]. Barari, A. , 2008. Malaysia’s Proton to build new car with Mitsubishi Available on: motorward. com/2008/12/malaysias-proton-build-car-mitsubishi/ Viewed: 24/7/2010 [ 5 ]. The Star, 2010. Proton confirms talks with Volkswagen called off. Available on: http://biz. thestar. com. my/news/story. asp? file=/2010/6/7/business/20100607103 215sec=business Viewed: 23/7/2010 [ 6 ]. Tan, P. , 2007. Proton 2006 sales dip; EPF buys more Proton shares. Available on: http://paultan. org/2007/01/25/proton-2006-sales-dip-epf-buys-more-proton-shares/ Viewed: 24/7/2010 [ 7 ]. Whitley, A. , 2007. Proton posts loss as sales slump to lowest in 7 years. Available on: bloomberg. com/apps/news? pid=newsarchivesid=axpaLGflllBArefer=asia Viewed: 23/7/2010 [ 8 ]. Proton annual report, 2009. Available on: proton. com/public/media/mediacentre/documents/annualreports/AReport_2009 _3. pdf Viewed: 23/7/2010 [ 9 ]. Proton Holdings Berhad annual report, 2004. Available on: http://announcements. lse. com. my/EDMS/subweb. nsf/7f04516f8098680348256c6f0017a6bf/0ace7786fbc2707b48256f08003508b3/$FILE/Proton-Cover-Contents-AGM-CorpInfo-CorpGov-FinancialStatements%20(1MB). pdf Viewed: 20/7/2010 [ 10 ]. ELM international, Inc, 2010. Automotive supplier information: Malaysia. Available on: eautoportal. com/eap/data/country/country. asp? show=Malaysia Viewed: 23/7/2010 [ 11 ]. Malaysia: Govern ment will impose excise duty on cars to make up tax revenue, 2003. Available on: just-auto. com/news/government-will-impose-excise-duty-on-cars-to-make-up-tax-revenue-report_id80405. aspx Viewed: 20/7/2010 12 ]. Wong, A. , Chia, H. G. , Chew, K. Y. , 2010. Review of the national automotive policy Available on: bakermckenzie. com/RROperatingReviewoftheNationalFeb10/ Viewed: 24/7/2010 [ 13 ]. Wong, H. T. , 2006. Foreign direct investment in manufacturing industry of Malaysia: An empirical study. Available on: http://myais. fsktm. um. edu. my/8153/1/Foreign_Direct_Investment. pdf Viewed: 24/7/2010 [ 14 ]. World investment and political risk, 2009. Net FDI inflows, 2000-2008 Available on: miga. org/documents/flagship09ebook_annexes. pdf Viewed: 24/7/2010 [ 15 ]. World consumer lifestyles databook, 2001. Gross income per capita 1990-2009. Available on: euromonitor. com/pdf/wcld_samples. pdf Viewed: 20/7/2010 [ 16 ]. Appendix 1 [ 17 ]. Appendix 2 [ 18 ]. Approval of manufacturing projects, 2008. Available on: http://210. 187. 41. 3/beta/view. php? cat=3scat=5pg=116 Viewed: 27/7/2010 [ 19 ]. Automotive News Topics, 2008. Malaysia Budget 2009 : 100 percent exemption of import duty and a 50 percent exemption in the excise duty for CBU hybrid cars Available at: http://kereta. info/malaysia-budget-2009-100-percent-exemption-of-import-duty-and-a-50-percent-exemption-in-the-excise-duty-for-cbu-hybrid-cars/ Viewed: 23/7/2010 20 ]. Malaysia: Government will impose excise duty on cars to make up tax revenue, 2003. Available on: just-auto. com/news/government-will-impose-excise-duty-on-cars-to-make-up-tax-revenue-report_id80405. aspx Viewed: 20/7/2010 [ 21 ]. Malaysian Automotive Association (MAA), 2010. 2009 top 10 popular car model in Malaysia. Available on: etawau. com/HTML/Car/INDEX_TopM odel. htm Viewed: 24/7/2010 [ 22 ]. Perodua Viva, 2007. Available on: peroduapromosi. com/index. php? p=1_9_VIVA Viewed:

Islamic and christian perspective on computer science Essay

Islamic and christian perspective on computer science - Essay Example It is from such beliefs that people various perspectives emerge, all shaped by the specific dogmas of the time. As such, one would expect that at any particular time, it is highly likely that various perspectives will root out from various religious beliefs. For the purposes of this paper, the paper shall research and analyze Islamic and Christian perspectives on computer science. My major is computer science. It encompasses the study of software and hardware development and management to meet societal needs. While studying computer science, we also study contemporary issues around computer science such as religious perspectives on computer science. Under religion, a unit in computer science, we also study philosophy, critical theory and psychology. Given the interdisciplinary approach my university adopts, the course on religion is also designed to teach on various religious beliefs held by various societies that practice such religions. This assists one to be able to interact cordi ally with others as a computer scientist in a dynamic world. The goals of the major are to prepare one to be in a position understand the dynamism that exists in the society. Apart from instilling skills and technical know-how, the course also prepares one to embrace the concept of diversity and be prepared to accept others without any discrimination based on their religious beliefs. It is also apparent that the course prepares one to function properly in the current global village where various cultures, values and practices are increasingly becoming evidenced in the work place. Islamic Perspective on Computer Science One may observe that Islamic perspective on computer science is one that

Strategies of Nokia and Nestle and their competitive advantage in the Essay

Strategies of Nokia and Nestle and their competitive advantage in the industry - Essay Example It is vital part of organizational success as it not only helps them to survive but also facilitates in maintaining competitive edge against their rivals in the industry. Business strategies are actions plans developed to achieve the vision, mission and objectives of the organizations over a long period of time. Porter (1996) says that competitive strategy is doing business differently to give value to the customers and maintain leverage. The strategic plans therefore, are vital ingredients that allow firms to be flexible and innovative so that they can absorb environmental changes and evolve to maintain one’s market position. The report is primarily an effort to analyze the business strategies of Nokia and Nestle which have made tremendous changes within their strategies to create niche market position in the domestic and global market. Outline of strategic issues of Nokia Nokia is a Finnish conglomerate that has incredible growth story. It has emerged as a flagship company mainly because it was able to anticipate and preempt environmental changes to evolve new strategies. The foresightedness of its managerial leadership was able to steer it to its present success. There were three major strategic issues with Nokia which needed to be creatively designed and developed to facilitate leadership position in the global market. The first one was to redefine its strategies towards its low performing business activities which did not offer long term sustainability of good profits or prospects. The second was to identify the business which had wide scope prospects vis-a-vis business opportunities across the globe. Third and the last one was to ensure that the products should be able to meet the changing demands of the global customers and should have futuristic scope to attract them. These were critical issues which needed to be addressed urgently by the compa ny so that its vision of becoming a successful global entity could be expedited and realized. 3.1.1 Situation analysis of Nokia Finland was a rich but small nation that was bogged down with geographical hardships that made it difficult to adopt traditional technology to improve its communication and other related development processes. It initially had diverse interests comprising of tire manufacturing, paper production, consumer electronics and telecommunication equipment. The disinvestment of many of its business activities helped it to focus on telecommunication. It was one of the companies that had pioneered wireless technology to overcome geographical constraints of near arctic conditions which made cable based telecommunication a difficult and expensive venture. Indeed, strategic planning is at the heart of business strategy. Bateman and Snell (2009:132) emphasize that planning is ‘the conscious, systematic process of making decisions about goals and activities that an i ndividual, group, work unit or organization will pursue in future’. Nokia had demonstrated its leadership initiative by disinvesting its low prospect business activities and correctly identifying potential in the telecommunication where wireless technology had offered huge scope for business expansion. It was focused on organization’s long term goals and objectives for its success and growth. It explicitly emphasized the unique activities and approaches of Nokia leadership for delivering its strategic goals and objectives. Kotler & Keller (2007) have stressed the need to be innovative and service oriented. Nokia was able to align its strategic action

Investment Behaviour of Women Essay Example for Free

Investment Behaviour of Women Essay Abstract Through an analysis of recent reforms in three policy areas in Chile—pensions, childcare services, and maternity/parental leave—the paper seeks to explore how equity-oriented reforms deal with the triple legacy of maternalism, male-breadwinner bias, and market reform. Recent studies of â€Å"new† social policies in Latin America have underlined the persistent strength of maternalist assumptions. Feminist research on new cash transfer programs, in particular, has tended to see more continuity than change in the gendered underpinnings of social policy. This paper suggests that once we broaden our ï ¬ eld of vision to include other social programs and reforms, the ways in which contemporary social policy (re)deï ¬ nes women’s productive and reproductive roles, social rights, and obligations are more complex and contradictory. Indeed, while some policies take unpaid care by women for granted, others point to an increasing awareness of inequalities   Staab that shape women’s and men’s differential access to market income and public social beneï ¬ ts. Over the last decade, there has been a veritable explosion of scholarship on Latin American social policy. In part this reï ¬â€šects the fact that—after decades of neglect—Latin American states have rediscovered social policy and scaled up their efforts to address the social fallout of liberalization. Indeed, while â€Å"Washington Consensus† reforms were mainly driven by the desire to cut costs and reduce the scope of the state, the late 1990s and 2000s have seen more coordinated state interventions to reduce poverty, inequality, and social exclusion. While not returning to post-war social protection schemes, countries in the region are experimenting with policies that break with the neoliberal notion of minimal safety nets (Barrientos et al. 2008; Molyneux 2008; Cortes 2009).  ´ What does this â€Å"return of the state† mean for women’s social rights and welfare? It has been argued that in contrast to the gender blindness of neoliberal reforms, â€Å"new† social policies have been gender conscious (Bedford 2007). However, relatively little systematic research has been carried out on the gender dynamics of this new social agenda (Macdonald and Ruckert 2009). The existing literature seems to suggest that there is far more continuity than change in the gendered underpinnings of â€Å"new† social protection programs. Feminist research on conditional cash transfers (CCTs)—a key innovation associated with Post-Washington Consensus social policy in the region—has tended to stress the persistence of maternalism (e.g., Molyneux 2007; Bradshaw 2008; Tabbush 2009), a set of ideas and practices with a long and ambiguous history in the region. Yet there is more to Post-Washington Consensus social policy than CCTs. Several Latin American countries are experimenting with other care-related policies alongside cash transfer schemes— including the introduction of full-day schooling, the expansion of early childhood education and care (ECEC) services, maternity/ parental leave reforms, and in recent pension reforms, the introduction of child-rearing credits. While some of these programs take the unpaid care by women for granted , others point to an increasing awareness of gender inequalities that shape women’s and men’s differential access to labor market income and public social beneï ¬ ts. That these initiatives have received little scholarly attention leaves the impression that Latin American social policy is stuck on a maternalist track, when national and regional trends are likely to be more varied and complex. Against this broader backdrop, the main aim of the paper  is to provide a better understanding of the complex and contradictory  ways in which women’s productive and reproductive roles, social rights, and obligations are constructed and (re)deï ¬ ned in the context of recent equity-oriented reforms. I argue for a two-tiered approach. First, I propose to move beyond single policy analysis towards a more systemic view that takes into account and compares developments across sectors. Second, I aim to assess these reforms according to the ways in which they have dealt with three key legacies: marketization, maternalism, and male-breadwinner bias. I apply this approach to the recent reforms in Chilean social policy, a particularly intriguing case. First, Chile is often cited as the Latin American country where neoliberal principles have been most comprehensively applied. Its 1980s social sector reforms–particularly in pensions and health–have long been promoted by international ï ¬ nancial institutions as a model for other countries to emulate (Taylor 2003; Orenstein 2005). Recent innovations in Chile’s social policy regime thus merit close attention. Second, Chile combines market liberalism with strong social conservatism, particularly with regards to gender roles. We would expect these two legacies to create mounting tensions and contradictions –for example over whether mothers should be at home (maternalism) or in the market (liberalism)–that social and employment policies have to navigate. I have chosen to focus on the recent reforms in pension, ECEC, and parental leave policies, issues which have been high up the public agenda in Chile and elsewhere. This is reï ¬â€šective of both broader global discourses spearheaded by international organizations such as the World Bank and the OECD, as well as a regional trend to revising social protection frameworks with an emphasis on increasing the coverage of hitherto excluded groups.1 The selection thus consciously combines two more traditional policy areas associated with social protection/consumption (pensions and maternity leave), with an emerging area geared towards social investment (ECEC). While the former were directly undermined by structural adjustment and deliberately restructured following the advice of international ï ¬ nancial institutions (Orenstein 2005; Brooks 2009), the latter have acquired prominence over the past decades as a means of reducing poverty by facilitating women’s labor force participation and as a cost-efï ¬ cient tool to promote human capital development by investing in early childhood development. These ideas form part of an emerging global paradigm (Jenson and Saint-Martin 2003; Jenson 2010; Mahon 2010) and seem to have ï ¬ ltered down to the national level with several Latin American countries experimenting with childcare-related reforms.2 The combinat ion of protection and promotion implicit in this selection is also highly relevant from a gender perspective. While childcare services and parental leaves can facilitate women’s engagement in paid employment, pension systems can be designed in ways that translate labor market inequalities into unequal entitlements in old age. They thus represent two sides of the same problem, namely the extent to which the gender division of labor affects women’s and men’s differential access to income and social security. The remainder of the paper is structured as follows. The next section brieï ¬â€šy illustrates the rationale for choosing marketization, maternalism, and male-breadwinner bias as key dimensions for assessing continuity and change. It takes a historical and  regional perspective to show how they became embedded in Latin American systems of social provision. The second half of the paper then provides a detailed analysis of recent reforms in Chilean pension, childcare, and maternity leave policies. The ï ¬ nal section draws out some comparative conclusions about the extent to which the recent reforms have dealt with the key legacies of marketization, maternalism, and male-breadwinner bias. Maternalism, Male-Breadwinner Bias, and Market Reform  Trajectories of welfare state formation and change in Latin America are in many ways different from those of advanced economies in Europe or North America that have formed the basis for theory building. The most important difference is probably the dynamism and radicalism with which development strategies have been recast over the last century (Sheahan 2002, 4). Thus, many countries moved from state-led import-substituting industrialization (ISI) in the post-war period to the rather radical application of neoliberal prescriptions following the recessions and debt crises of the late 1970s and early 1980s. These transitions left distinct legacies in systems of social provision. From the often incomplete formation of welfare institutions in the post-war era, governments in the region turned to retrenchment, deregulation, and privatization. Redistributive and universalist aspirations—however exclusionary or stratifying these had been in practice (Filgueira and Filgueira 2002)—were buried with the shift to market-led development and the region moved closer towards liberal-informal welfare regimes (Barrientos 2004). As the state was scaled back, reforms empowered business interests which became directly involved in education, health, and pension systems.3 Gender roles and norms as well as pervasive gender inequalities across states, markets, and households mediate women’s and men’s exposure to social risks as well as their speciï ¬ c need for social protection and services. Women face particular challenges due to  motherhood and other caring responsibilities that societies largely assign to them (Lewis 1992; O’Connor 1993; Orloff 1993). Yet, these risks and responsibilities have rarely been taken into account in the design of social policies. Thus, Bismarck-style social insurance systems, such as those founded across Latin American countries in the post-war period, had an inherent male-breadwinner bias.4 Women, in turn, tended to access social beneï ¬ ts as wives of a male breadwinner or as mothers whose maternal functions had to be safeguarded and protected (Gimenez 2005). Motherhood became the  ´ very basis on which women staked their claims to citizenship rights and states deployed their efforts to mobilize female constituencies. At the heart of this â€Å"civic maternalism† was the belief that women– and in particular their biological and social function as mothers– had to be recognized, valued, and protected (Molyneux 2000).5 This was, in Nancy Folbre’s words, the â€Å"patriarchal trunk† onto which market reform was grafted, but which â€Å"continues to inï ¬â€šuence the shape of the tree† (Interviewed by Razavi 2011). A large body of literature has documented how struc tural adjustment increased the overall burden on women. Thus, where privatization and trade liberalization triggered a rise in male unemployment, women were pushed into (largely informal) paid employment to make up for lost wages. Meanwhile, retrenchment and commercialization of social services shifted more responsibilities for social provision to the domestic sphere, where the prevailing gender division of labor meant that women spent more time on unpaid reproductive work (BenerÄ ±a and Feldman 1992; Sparr 1994; and Elson 1995). In  ´ social protection systems, the move from risk sharing to individualization exacerbated already existing gender inequalities. By tightening the relationship between contributory patterns and pension beneï ¬ ts, market reforms effectively deepened male-breadwinner bias (Dion 2008). In health, private insurance companies were given plenty of rope for deï ¬ ning premiums based on gender-speciï ¬ c â€Å"risks†, such as pregnancy (Gideon 2006). As a result, the costs of biological and social repr oduction were further individualized and passed on to women. Paradoxically, maternalism remained a strong theme in the neoliberal era, at least at the level of public discourse (Molyneux 2000). In short, market reforms layered new gender inequalities onto the already existing legacies of maternalism and male-breadwinner bias. As a result, conservative elements exist alongside (neo)liberal elements in the contemporary welfare architecture of many Latin American countries. How are these legacies challenged or compounded by the current wave of policy innovations and reform? If the state is indeed assuming greater responsibility for social  provision, does this trend provide a more favorable context for redressing gender inequalities? More particularly, does it reï ¬â€šect a greater recognition and redistribution of the responsibilities for and costs of care and social reproduction? The existing literature suggests that there is far more continuity than change in gendered assumptions even as new social programs are being rolled out: Recent studies have argued, for example, that new social programs have paid scant, if any, attention to the underlying structures of gender inequality in labor markets and households (Razavi 2007); that economic and social policies continue to place the burden of social reproduction on families (read: women); that the particular design of social programs tends to reinforce traditional gender roles without providing long-term strategies for women’s economic security through job training or childcare provision (Molyneux 2007; Tabbush 2009); and that new social policies increase social control and surveillance of mothers’ child-rearing behavior and performance (Luccisano and Wall 2009). Feminist research on CCTs, in particular, has tended to stress the persistence of maternalist orientations (e.g., Molyneux 2007; Bradshaw 2008; Tabbush 2009). This literature has been central for understanding the gendered nature of â€Å"new† social policies in the region and much remains to be learned about the actual diversity of  ´ these programs (MartÄ ±nez Franzoni and Voorend 2009) and their impact on women from different ethnic groups (Hernandez 2011;  ´ Rivera 2011). Analytically, however, the focus on a single scheme is insufï ¬ cient to assess the processes through which women’s productive and reproductive roles, social rights, and obligations are currently being (re)deï ¬ ned. Several Latin American countries are experimenting with other social policies alongside the much-cited CCTs, including the introduction of full-day schooling, the expansion of ECEC services, maternity/parental leave reforms, and the introduction of child-rearing credits in recent pension reforms. In each of these areas, equity-oriented reformers struggle with the legacies of maternalism and male-breadwinner bias, on the one hand, and the (ideological and de-facto) importance of markets, on the other hand. I argue that these struggles shape reform processes and outcomes in ways that are more complex and contradictory than the existing literature on CCTs suggests. The following analysis of Chilean social policy sets out to unravel some of these complexities by looking at the recent reforms in pensions, childcare, and leave regulations. Implicit in this approach is an understanding of the state as a concept that helps to contextualize present political conï ¬â€šicts and policy processes (Hay and Lister 2006). In other words, previously enacted policies, institutional choices, and strategic interactions constitute a â€Å"strategically selective terrain† (Jessop 1990, 203) that structures present political conï ¬â€šict, rendering it more conducive to some  demands than others. While not determining their behavior, the ensemble of institutions and policy frameworks that comprise the state offer opportunities to and impose constraints on, the political agency of those wishing to effect policy change. The three legacies outlined above form part of the institutional landscape of the state. As such, they are shown to play a signiï ¬ cant role in current attempts of reform and policy innovation. While these legacies constitute the main focus of this paper, they are by no means the only factor that shape change and continuity in Chilean social policy. In fact, sector-speciï ¬ c actors, partisan politics, and particular political contingencies come into play to differing degrees. Furthermore, the continuity and deepening of an economic model based on trade openness, macroeconomic stability, monetary, and ï ¬ scal discipline and ï ¬â€šexible employment, forms the backdrop against which more expansive social policies have emerged as a response to persistent inequality. However, the full meaning of recent reforms cannot be understood without taking into account the gender-speciï ¬ c legacies in each sector.  (En)gendering Change and Continuity: Recent reforms in Chile Chile is a particularly intriguing case for analyzing continuity and change in social policy. On the one hand, it is often portrayed as the country where neoliberal principles have most profoundly transformed economic, social, and political institutions (Kurtz 1999; Filgueira and Filgueira 2002). While radical market reforms were carried out under the aegis of a military dictatorship (1973–1989), many of the model’s features were maintained with the return to democracy. Consequently, the country’s policy framework is often represented as particularly resistant to equity-oriented change. On the other hand, Chile combines market liberalism with social conservatism—two features that conventional welfare regime analysis tends to locate in different clusters (the conservative and the liberal variant, respectively). Female labor force participation is among the lowest in the region (ECLAC 2008), the country’s welfare regime has been described as inherently â€Å"gender biased† (Pribble 2006, 86), and conservative social norms  regarding women’s role in the family loom large (Contreras and Plaza 2010).6 Despite this rather unfavorable context, recent reforms suggest that these frameworks are not carved in stone. Since the early 2000 s efforts to expand social protection, to improve access to and quality  of social services and to strengthen social rights have featured prominently on the country’s social agenda, leading some to argue that Chile may be approaching a â€Å"point of inï ¬â€šection† (Illanes and Riesco 2007, 406). The following sections shed light on the complex and contradictory ways in which the triple legacy of maternalism, male-breadwinner bias, and market reform is addressed by recent reforms in pensions (adopted in 2008), childcare services (signiï ¬ cantly expanded since 2006), and maternity leave (reformed in 2011). Before delving more deeply into the developments in each sector, it is necessary to brieï ¬â€šy describe the broader economic and political context since the country’s return to democracy in 1990. Context of Recent Reforms and Policy Innovations The return to democracy did not entail a drastic transformation of the institutional foundations of economic and social policy inherited from the military regime (Moulian 2002; Taylor 2003; Borzutzky 2010). In fact, in macroeconomic terms the center-left party coalition Concertacion that governed the country from 1990  ´ to 2010 validated and deepened the neoliberal model based on trade openness, macroeconomic stability, monetary and ï ¬ scal discipline and ï ¬â€šexible employment. To offset some of its worst effects, social spending increased steadily which, together with economic growth and employment creation, dramatically reduced absolute poverty from 38.6 percent in 1990 to 13.7 percent in 2006 (ECLAC 2008), although it did relatively little to improve income distribution or lessen social inequalities and fragmentation in education, health, and social protection (Solimano 2009). Explanations for this continuity are manifold, including the formidable constraints placed on  the autonomy of the ï ¬ rst Concertacion governments by authoritarian enclaves in the political  ´ system that granted right-wing political opposition important veto powers; the resistance of business interests whose power increased as a result of market reforms; the weakness of other civil society actors, particularly labor; a political culture eager to avoid the kind of political confrontation that preceded the military coup; and the adoption of market-oriented ideas by key decision makers within the centerleft coalition itself (e.g. Kurtz 2003; Castiglioni 2005; Borzutzky and Weeks 2010; Ewig and Kay 2011). The result of this complex and contradictory process has been described as a Chilean â€Å"Third Way† characterized by an â€Å"unwavering commitment to trade liberalization and privatization despite considerable public opposition† and a â€Å"predisposition to a policy process that discourages participation by civil society and rank-and-ï ¬ le party members, while affording business access to the  highest reaches of government† (Sandbrook et al. 2007, 164–65). This set-up makes some policy areas more amenable to equity-enhancing reforms and innovations than others. As the economic model rests upon a ï ¬â€šexible and restrictive labor regime (Frank 2004), social policy is largely conï ¬ ned to enhancing workers’ ability to compete on the market and to mitigating some of the worst risks that unregulated and precarious employment entails. This goes a long way to explain why the two socialist-led governments of Ricardo Lagos (2000–2006) and Michelle Bachelet (2006–2010) spearheaded health reform, pension reform and childcare service expansion in order to enhance equity, while shying away from reforms related to the country’s labor market where many of the fundamental social inequalities originate. While the  Bachelet administration’s employment policy and labor relations have been described as disappointing, (Lopez 2009;  ´ Sehnbruch 2009), it did turn social protection into a key priority. The concept ual pillars of her strategy included a life-course approach to social protection and the attempt to introduce a rights-based perspective (Hardy 2011). The latter materialized in a gradual lifting of budgetary restrictions on social assistance7 and the progressive relaxation of eligibility requirements for accessing a range of beneï ¬ ts. The life-course approach, in turn, is captured in repeatedly stated commitments to create equal opportunities and protect citizens â€Å"from the cradle to old age†. Tellingly, its translation into policy focused on the two extremes of the life course, namely the reform of the pension system and Chile Crece Contigo, an integrated early childhood protection system that included the massive expansion of childcare services. The working-age population remained caught in the middle with persistently low employment quality, including a high level of job instability and the limited reach of employment-based rights and beneï ¬ ts, a scenario that disproportionately affects women workers (Sehnbruch 2009). 8 Thus, the attempt to square greater equity and social inclusion with an open economy inï ¬â€šuenced the scope and locus of policy change during the Bachelet administration. While acquiring greater visibility, social protection remained subordinate to macroeconomic goals, including those related to employment, understood as not interfering with job creation through greater regulation and rights for workers. In this context, it is particularly surprising that a highly controversial employment-related reform was introduced under the new right-wing government of Sebastian Pinera (2010) which, in ËÅ"  ´ 2011, expanded (women) workers’ rights through a reform of maternity leave regulations.

The Day The World Cried Essay -- history

The Day The World Cried Freedom itself was attacked this morning by a faceless coward and freedom will be defended. Our fellow citizens, our way of life, our very freedom came under attack in a series of deliberate and deadly terrorist acts. The victims were in airplanes or in their offices – secretaries, businessman and women, military and federal workers. Moms and dads, friends and neighbors. Thousands of lives were suddenly ended by, despicable acts of terror. The pictures of airplanes flying into buildings fires burning, huge structures collapsing have filled us with disbelief, terrible sadness and a quiet unyielding anger. These acts of mass murder were intended to frighten our nation into chaos and retreat . But they have failed. Our country is strong. A great people have been moved to defend a great nation. Those were the words of President George W. Bush, as he moved his country from disbelief to reality. Good morning / afternoon Ms. Scully and fellow classmates. September 11th was a dark and stormy Tuesday where the lives of people became the cost of revenge. Many innocent people faced their Tuesday morning by ending their lives instantly, as a high jacked plane plummeted from the sky, towards their office building. At 8:45 am a high jacked passenger jet, flight 11 of American Airlines, plunges into the North tower of The World Trade Center. 9:03 am another plane hit this time the South tower. Leaving both buildings ablaze in flames of deat...

Reprocudtive Health Bill

Chelsea Samatra, Kenneth Ragus Samatra,Ragus 1 Ms. Daligcon Period 4 A Battery That Makes Cents Abstract Many coins in the pile will make the most electricity. If there are more coins in the pile, then the more electricity it can produce, because the more electrons you have, the more electricity you will get. Batteries are expensive, but you can make one for exactly 24 cents! In this experiment, you will make your own voltaic pile using pennies and nickels. In the data, we will see if the number of pennies and nickels will affect the number of voltage and current.Problem How many coins in the pile will make the most electricity? Hypothesis If there are more coins, then the more electricity it can produce, because the more electrons you have the more electricity you will get. Samatra, Ragus 2 Background/Research You might think that batteries are a modern invention, but batteries were one of the first ways of making electricity. Alessandro Volta discovered the first electric battery i n 1800. He made a giant stack of alternating layers of zinc, blotting paper soaked in salt water, and silver. This early design for a battery became known as the  voltaic pile.How does a voltaic pile make electricity? The key to electricity is the movement of  electrons. In a voltaic pile, electrons move from one metal to the other through the saltwater solution. The saltwater solution is called an  electrolyte, and it contains  ions  in solution from the dissolved salts. An ion is a group of atoms that carries a positive or negative electric charge. The ions react with the metals, causing an  electrochemical reaction, a special kind of chemical reaction that makes electrons. The two types of metals in a voltaic pile are called  electrodes.Since there are two kinds of metals, one metal reacts more strongly than the other, which leaves an electrical potential difference, also called voltage, between the two types of metals. One metal becomes positively charged, the posi tive electrode and the other becomes negatively charged, the negative electrode. This causes electrons to move, creating an electrical  current  which is measured in amperes, and then you have electricity! In addition, the formula for voltage is current times resistance or V = I*R, so the formula for current will be voltage divided by resistance or I = V/R.Samatra, Ragus 3 Vocabulary Words: * Electrochemical Reaction – branch of chemistry that deals with the chemical action of electricity and the production of electricity by chemical reactions * Electron – Also called negatron, an elementary particle that is a fundamental constituent of matter * Voltaic Pile – battery consisting of voltaic cells arranged in series; the earliest electric battery devised by Volta. * Electrolyte – a liquid or gel that contains ions and can be decomposed by electrolysis. Materials The materials and equipments that are needed for the experiment are: * Pennies (4) Nickels ( 4) * Mild dish soap * Vinegar (any kind, 1/4 C. ) * Salt (1 Tbsp. ) * Small bow * Small plate (ceramic, plastic, or Styrofoam not paper or metal) * Digital multimeter (any kind that reads mA and mV) Samatra, Ragus 4 * Paper towels (2) * Scissors The procedures for the experiment are: 1. In a small bowl, mix together 1/4 C. of vinegar (electrolyte) and 1 Tbsp. of salt (ions). 2. Using scissors, cut up a paper towel into small squares. 3. Place the small squares to soak in the bowl of salt-vinegar solution, and set them aside. 4.Gather some pennies and nickels, wash with a mild detergent (like dish soap), and dry. 5. Start building your stack on a dry paper towel on your plate. Put down a penny first, then place a square of vinegar-soaked paper towel on top, and then add a nickel. Keep repeating the layers until you have a stack of four coins (alternating pennies, wet paper towel pieces, and nickels), making sure you end with a nickel on top. 6. Attach the leads of the multimeter to t he two ends of the battery by touching one lead to the penny on the bottom and the other to the nickel on the top.Measure the voltage produced by your battery (in millivolts, mV). You can also measure the current produced (in milliamps, mA). Samatra, Ragus 5 7. Repeat the experiment, each time building a battery with a different number of coins. One important rule is to always start with a penny and end in a nickel, so the number of layers of pennies and nickels will always match. The record of the data table: Number of Pennies| Number of Nickels| Voltage (mV)| Current (mA)| 4| 4| 6. 8| 1. 7| 5| 5| 9. 5| 1. 9| 6| 6| 12. 6| 2. 1|The data above shows that number of coins in the pile had affected the amount of electricity produced. The viewer can obviously tell that, why? Because the data shows that the more pennies and nickels you have in yorur pile, the more amount of electricity you can produced. The amount of electricity produced on 4 pennies and nickels is 6. 8, why because the re sistance was 4 and then the current was 1. 7 and the formula for voltage is V=I*R . The amount of voltage in 5 pennies and nickels is 9. 5 and its current was 1. 9. The amount of voltage in 6 pennies and nickels is 12. and its current was 2. 1. Samatra, Ragus 6 Sample Models This image shows the structure of a voltaic pile, which is the first design of a battery that's used to make electricity. It was discovered by Alessandro Volta in 1800. In this experiment, you will make your own version of the voltaic pile using two different types of coins and a salt-vinegar solution. How does a voltaic pile made of money work? Since each coin is made up of a different metal, one metal reacts more strongly than the other, which leaves an electrical potential difference (voltage) between the two types of metals.The question is, how will different numbers of coins affect the amount of electricity produced? By making piles with different numbers of coins and measuring the voltage and current produ ced, you can test the effect of changing the number of coins in the piles. Samatra, Ragus 7 Analysis Amount of the Voltage (Pennies ; Nickels) 30 25 20 15 10 5 0 (4 pennies ; nickels) (5 pennies ; nickels) (6 pennies and nickels) The graphs shows that the number of pennies and nickels whether it increase or decrease, it will affect the amount of the voltage (mV).The graph above specifically shows and tell us that increasing the number of nickels and pennies will increase the amount of voltage. In a very short way, the more pennies and nickels the more voltage and current. The formula for voltage was V = I * R, so the formula for current was I = V/R and then the formula for resistance was R = V/I. Samatra, Ragus 8 Conclusion In conclusion, many coins in the pile will make the most electricity, i proved that my hypothesis was right the more coins in the pile, then the more electricity it can produce, because the more electrons you have, the more electricity you will get.The data that I made was connected to the research section because the research section, it tells the reader that can the number of pennies and nickels will affect the amount of the voltage? So my data shows that the number of the pennies and nickels did really affect the amount of the voltage. I will always remember that the more electrons/coins in the pile, the more electricity/voltage it can produced.

Environmental Issues In The Fashion Industry Essay

Introduction This paper explores the use of colour changing textiles and how the fashion industry could benefit from it. It explains why they are perfect solutions for the environmental issues. Fashion industry is one of the most wasteful and environmentally impactful industries in the world. There is a lot of pressure to find less wasteful ways of producing clothing and to make fashion more sustainable. One of those ways is the invention of colour changing fabrics (Rachel Skudlarek, 2017). Chapter 1 discusses environmental issues in the fashion industry and introduces solutions to the problem. Chapter 1 The environmental impact of fashion industry is an issue that we all need to think about. Fashion is a very structured business. It†¦show more content†¦That’s only on U.S. (Minney, S. 2011). Buy less, choose well, and make it last. Someone said that fashion is aspirational and only rich women can afford it; but people have never looked more poor and awful. (Vivienne Westwood, 2011) After the World War one and two people used to keep clothes for much longer. Families didn’t have money to buy a lot of clothes, women mended every item, so they could last for generations. They did take care of it and taught their children how to repair clothes. Textile manufactures produce cheap clothing, so the consumer can feel rich while buying a lot of clothes for a little price. It is all about the money, the more customer buys the riches economy gets. Even if people know what the fashion industry does to our environment, they still buy clothes in high street shops. When asked if people are aware of the environmental issues caused by the fashion industry? And if it stopped them from buying clothes in high street shops, 47% of the interviewed people agreed with the statement: ‘Yes, I still buy clothes but I’m more selective, check labels and think twice before I buy’ It makes customers feel good, relaxed, it helps them with the confidence because they feel fashionable. (see fig 2) PUT A SCREENDHOT OF THE SURVEY The Unmade knitting company is introducing a ‘slow design’ as a substitute for the fast fashion. They make customers aware of the environmental issues that the textile industryShow MoreRelatedSustainable, Environmentally Friendly And Ethical Products1227 Words   |  5 Pagesinto a global trend and became an integral part of (fashion) design and production process [1]. It is a stage in the life cycle of fashion garment. Why so? Because it explores approaches such as low impact textiles techniques, zero waste techniques, repair and maintenance techniques, closed-loop design systems, low-impact manufacturing technologies, mono-materiality, design durability, and up cycling. Sustainable fashion, also known as eco fashion, is part of the larger growing trend of creating moreRead MoreFast Fashion Vs. Slow ( Luxury ) Fashion1291 Words   |  6 PagesContemporary Design Issues Stage One - Initial Research Essay Fast Fashion vs. Slow (Luxury) Fashion By Alanna Mitchell In 2014, Jean Paul Gaultier retired from his Ready-To-Wear line. In an interview with The Associated Press he said, Too many clothes kills clothes... Fashion has changed.† (1) This change that Gaultier is referring to is known as â€Å"Fast Fashion†. It is a phenomenon within the fashion industry that â€Å"has made its way into Australian consumers’ wardrobes over the past five years†Read MoreJohn Lewis Essay examples972 Words   |  4 PagesEssay on the External Business Environment In this essay, the organisation that I will be looking at is John Lewis. The outcome of the essay is to analyse how John Lewis is affected by the macro environment, analyse John Lewis using PESTLE and evaluate the strengths and limitations of using PESTLE as a strategic diagnostic tool. To discuss the market system and apply a range of market theories to John Lewis and to understand the organisational environment. There are many factors in the macroRead MoreHow Textiles And Fashion Designers Have Contributed And Approached Fundamental Issues Within Ecological Design1414 Words   |  6 PagesSUSTAINABILITY ESSAY Explore and comment on how textiles and fashion designers have contributed and approached fundamental issues within ecological design. INTRODUCTION Ecological design is the sole responsibility of innovation and the creativity of products and objects that will sustain our society and future societies. It is critical that we change the way sustainable design is perceived and interpreted, by beginning to develop an understanding of the history and journey from ‘Green design’Read MoreHuman Resource Strategies Of Fashion1663 Words   |  7 PagesAustralia’s fashion industry thrived. Later on the 20’s the industry has grown across suburbs, designer as well as brands has spread across Australia. However, Australian fashion retailer is in a challenging position, it has become a global shift in the last few years, with 15 percent of the world’s top 250 retailers has already set up stores in Australia (Heffernan, 2015). In this essay an attempt will be made to discuss the statement mentioned above and its implications on David Jones fashion retailRead MoreHow Will Technology Impact On The Future Of Fashi on Objects?1726 Words   |  7 Pagesof fashion objects? Explore 2-3 examples.    Technology has become an important fashion accessory. One aspect of the impact of technology on fashion is that convenience of communication and nonstop information access has, to some extent, become a fashion statement.  People rely increasingly on computers and smartphones.   The recently released smart watches have further contributed to the fashion world and consequently to the world of technological convenience. These benefit the fashion industry, byRead MoreIn this essay I will be discussing the role and impact of Corporate Social Responsibility in event1500 Words   |  6 PagesIn this essay I will be discussing the role and impact of Corporate Social Responsibility in event management in the 21st Century. I will research and report examples, with supporting evidence. Firstly, I shall begin with defining Corporate Social Responsibility and then I will turn my attention to the challenges of CSR along with, why it is crucial for businesses and what the outcomes are if Corpo rate Social Responsibility (CSR) is overlooked. Throughout this essay I will be providing examples ofRead MoreCorporate Social Responsibility: An investigation into Louis Vuitton1648 Words   |  7 Pagesï » ¿Communication in Business 100 Critical Essay Company: LOUIS VUITTON Essay Title: Corporate Social Responsibility: An investigation into Louis Vuitton Name: YAN JINSHAN Student Number: 17460510 Email: yanjinshan.eric@gmail.com Semester: One, 2014 Curtin University: Singapore Campus Tutor: Sally-Edith Yong Corporate Social Responsibility: An investigation into Louis Vuitton With the rapid development of social economy, the public tends to focus on the social responsibilityRead MoreThe Technological Side Of Fashion2188 Words   |  9 Pagesimpacted on the way that people lived their lives. Until this very day aspects of society are continuously changing especially in the world of fashion. The fashion industry is constantly evolving especially both technological and economical aspects. The technological side of fashion has emerged greatly with technology like 3D printers becoming common for fashion brands to use when creating new garments. For example during the winter of 2015 the high street brand Topshop collaborated with Wonderluk, aRead MoreThe Alliance : A Partnership Of Convenience Between Unionists And Environmentalists1396 Words   |  6 Pagesmembership of fifteen of the largest unions and environmental organizations in the United States, and nearly 16 million members (BlueGreen Alliance / About Us). The organization was founded in 2006 with th e intent to address climate change in a way that creates and maintains valuable jobs in green industries (Glas, 1). The BlueGreen Alliance asserts that climate change is one of the greatest threats to both our economy and our environment, and the issue must be addressed in a way that does not stifle